The Glands Menagerie Essay Example for Free

The Glands Menagerie Essay A Streetcar Named Desire was written by Tennessee Williams in 1947, eliciting the most critical commentary of any of his works, as well as being highly divisive: upon its release, one reviewer defined it as the product of an almost desperately morbid turn of mind1; George Jean Nathan criticised the unpleasant2 nature of the play, calling it The Glands Menagerie'3. Williams focus on realism, and the subsequent omission of clear-cut protagonists and antagonists in Streetcar, also drew glowing reviews, from the pre-eminent theatre critic Brook Atkinson, for example, who called Williams a genuinely poetic playwright whose knowledge of people is honest and thorough4. This difference in opinion does not stop at subjective criticism of the play, but even the specific genre which Streetcar falls into. Many assume it to be a tragedy of some type, and there is indeed much to commend this view. However, the ambiguous nature of many aspects of the play and Williams inclusion of alternate dramatic devices has led many to believe that Streetcar should not be classified as a tragedy, but as a melodrama. In any tragedy, the tragic protagonist is of vital importance: everything is centred on the protagonist, their flaw and subsequent downfall. However, in Streetcar, there is large uncertainty as to who this tragic protagonist actually is. This equivocacy may be observed in the difference in artistic opinion between the plays original director, Elia Kazan, and the plays second director, Harold Clurman. Elia Kazan was a close friend of Tennessee Williams, who told him to ensure that Blanche (had) the understanding and compassion of the audience without creating a black-dyed villain in Stanley5. Indeed, from his directors private notebook, published in 1976, it is clear that Kazans sympathies lie with Stanley, who he sees as defending his household against the corrupting influence of Blanche: for instance, Stanleys seemingly crude violation of Blanches belongings in an attempt to find legal papers and his later physical violation of her person would have been justified in Kazans eyes, as the social incorrectness of Blanches intrusion into his domestic kingdom and subsequent undermining of his authority and values (Well if youll forgive me hes common! He acts like an animal Stanley Kowalski survivor of the Stone Age! , Dont hang back with the brutes! ) outweighs the respective incorrectness of his retaliatory actions (Come to think of it maybe you wouldnt be bad to interfere with ). As such, Kazans direction dictated that Stanley be the victim of Blanches actions. It was even reported that some members of the audience cheered the rape of Blanche in Kazans production, with critic Signi Falk noting the waves of titillated laughter (which) swept over the audience 6. In direct opposition to Kazan, Clurman reallocated the role of victim to Blanche, positing that Streetcar portrays the crushing of sensitivity (Blanche) by brute force (Stanley), therefore portraying the rape as such instead. These contradictory interpretations illustrate the crucial problem in labelling Streetcar as a tragedy, at least in a strictly Aristotelian sense: there is no singular, defined hero or heroine, both can be interchangeably depicted as victim or antagonist. There is even discussion as to whether Stanley and Blanche represent either. Williams himself seems to support this: I dont want to focus guilt or blame on any one character but to have it a tragedy of misunderstanding and insensitivity to others 7. This has only confirmed the ambiguous nature of the play, fuelling and perpetuating the uncertainty surrounding it and taking it even further away from the Aristotelian tragic ideal. Additionally, Aristotle dictated that tragedy should chart the demise of a great person, as he argued that their cataclysmic downfall due to hamartia would evoke higher pathos in the audience; Williams focuses instead upon the demise of people in the dregs of society, ensuring that there is no way that Streetcar could possibly be considered to be a strictly classical tragedy. However, it is still possible to identify aspects of classical tragedy in Streetcar, which further heightens the vagueness surrounding the genre which Streetcar finds itself in. There is, for example, evidence of anagnorisis leading to peripateia, a tragic device which Aristotle considered to be the mark of a superior tragedy: In Scene Three, after Stanley beats Stella and realises the error of his ways, he breaks into sobs and telephones Eunice, who has taken Stella in, in an attempt to talk to (his) baby, to no avail. This is arguably Stanleys lowest point, as Stanley has alienated Stella, leading to one of the iconic moments in American drama: Stanleys heaven-splitting cry of STELLL-AHHHHH! an outburst of animal desperation. This moment, then (if Streetcar is considered to be a battle between Blanche and Stanley for Stellas affections), is a victory for Blanche. However, in Scene Ten, the roles are reversed: Blanches telephone call for help is unsuccessful, and she is arguably at her lowest point of the play here, as Stanley shatters all her illusions and pretensions (Not once did you pull any wool over this boys eyes! ), uncovering her multitude of lies, which makes Blanche face the reality of the threat Stanley poses to her (i. e. anagnorisis). So, while it is plain that Streetcar is by no means a classical tragedy, it does include facets of tragedy as defined by Aristotles Poetics. There is perhaps a more credible case for Streetcar being a tragedy in a slightly broader sense: that is to say, encompassing the characteristics of modern domestic tragedy. Arthur Miller summed up the essence of domestic tragedy in his work Tragedy and the Common Man: It is time, I think, that we who are without kings, took up this bright thread of our history (tragedy) and followed it to the only place it can possibly lead in our time the heart and spirit of the average man 8. The conclusion of Brook Atkinsons review of the opening night reflected this sentiment: Out of poetic imagination and ordinary compassion (Williams) has spun a poignant and luminous story9. Miller argued against the Aristotelian ideals concerning tragedy: where Aristotle believed tragic heroes had to be of high social standing (for reasons above stated), Miller proposed that tragic heroes could be formed out of the working classes. Domestic tragedies of this nature became popular in the 19th and 20th centuries as a result of writers such as Miller, portraying the breakdown of a social construct, emphasising the distortion and destruction of domestic order. Streetcar could, then, be construed as a domestic tragedy, as it portrays the demise of the social system from the old agrarian South (as represented by Blanche) and the rise of the post-war urban industrial society (as represented by Stanley). Furthermore, Streetcar concerns the fates of Blanche and Stanley in the main, Stanley being irrefutably lower class; although Blanche is not as straightforward to categorise according to class, at the beginning of the play, Blanches demise has already occurred: she has already fallen from her previously high status, having lost her estate and fortune. Therefore, although Streetcar charts her descent into insanity, it does not show her fall from a high position in society, again rejecting the Aristotelian norm. It therefore seems as though Streetcar could easily be defined as a domestic tragedy, a judgement Dan Isaac agrees with: Streetcar is a modern tragedy, and Blanche DuBois tragic flaw is hubris pride of intellect and pride of sexual prowess10 If one tragic hero can be singled out, then it is possible to find their personal hamartia, and Streetcar becomes a domestic tragedy with aspects of classical tragedy. However, one prominent feature of Streetcar has yet to be introduced into the debate, and that is the huge emphasis on melodrama and expressionism.

Duke Ellingtons Contribution To American Jazz Film Studies Essay

Duke Ellingtons Contribution To American Jazz Film Studies Essay The famous U.S. jazz musician known as Duke Ellington was born on April 29, 1989 to two musician parents who both played the piano. His legal name at birth was Edward Kennedy Ellington, and the nickname Duke was one he acquired from childhood friends who believed that the way he dressed and the manner in which he carried himself gave him a regal appearance. (Wikipedia, 2013). While he himself eschewed the use of the term jazz to define the kind of music he played, opting instead to refer to it as simply American music, critics have repeatedly identified him as one of the seminal figures in the development of jazz, which is often identified as one of the few authentically U.S.-developed musical forms. (Biography, 2013). Ellington was an African-American and his maternal grandmother was an ex-slave. His own introduction to music in a formal sense occurred when he was seven years old, with him commencing piano lessons. His passion for music was intense, even during his youth and he is recorded as having written his first song, :Soda Fountain Rag, which some called Poodle Dog Rag, in 1914 at a time when he was personally working at a soda fountain at a restaurant known as the Poole Dog Cafe. At the time, his formal music training did not include the reading and writing of music notes on paper. He was to develop those skills later in life. (Wikipedia, 2013). As a young man, in addition to the restaurant job, he worked at the games of the Washington, D.C. Senators baseball team as a peanut vendor. Other recreations included playing pool, and it was there that he encountered many contemporary piano players who provided entertainment there, utilizing a variety of styles, including ragtime. It was only then that he started to entertain the notion that he might himself become a professional musician. Ellington himself described both his early life and his musical career in an autobiography he published in 1973 entitled Music is my Mistress. (Ellington, 1976). By the summer of 1916, he declined to pursue an offered scholarship to study art in Brooklyn, New York at the Pratt Institute, preferring instead to provide musical entertainment in various small venues in and around Washington, D.C. for money, although the amounts earned were relatively meager compared to the success he was to experience later in life. He continued, for a time, to attend commercial art classes at the Armstrong Manual Training School, but abandoned those studies a mere 90 day or so before a scheduled graduation. (Ellington, 1976). It was after that occurred that he summoned up the courage to assemble small groups of musicians to band together to play for dances and other social events, while working on the side as a sign painter to augment his otherwise meager income. His first more permanent formal band was formed in 1917 and was known as The Dukes Serenaders, who were described as Colored Syncopators in an ad he took out in the then relatively new media of the local telephone directory. (Ellington, 1976) Because Washington, D.C. was the capitol of the U.S., Ellington also managed to survive economically in those early years by working as a messenger for the State Department and U.S. Navy. Later, his band would become quite a local hit playing at parties put on by foreign embassies located in the capitol as well as for society dances and balls. While this was an era where there was still much segregation in the U.S., his group did manage to play to both white and African-American audiences, which was unusual at the time. (Wikipedia, 2013). Ellington got married on July 2, 1918 to Edna Thompson, who had attended the same high school as he did, and they had a son, Mercer Kennedy Ellington, himself a musician skilled in the use of both the piano and trumpet, who at times operated as the business manager for his fathers more successful group while also running his own band. (Wikipedia, 2013). Looking back on his career, which only ended with his death on May 24, 1974 from lung cancer and pneumonia, music critics widely agree that his influence helped raise the regard of jazz among other forms of music in the U.S. At the time of his death, despite his advanced age and ill health, he was continuing to actively work as an orchestra leader. He did not exclusively play jazz. however, and at times delved into the areas of classical, popular, gospel and blues music, as well as composing scores for popular motion pictures. As the U.S. recording industry took off, Ellington and his groups recorded music for many companies, while continuing to tour widely and play live. In 1924 alone, Duke Ellington released eight records, indicating the beginning of a very fertile period for him that continued almost unabated until his death. (Wikipedia, 2013). Ellington became a seminal figure in the so-called Harlem Renaissance and gradually expanded the size of his musical group, with it becoming the house band in the legendary Cotton Club in Harlem, New York in 1927. Ellingtons fame grew and he was widely known for playing the bugle at the end of many performances. Radio broadcasts of his music live from the club helped him develop an audience that stretched nationwide and encompassed many people who had never seen him perform live in New York. (Biography, 2013). A song that Duke Ellington recorded with his orchestra and Adelaide Hall in the fall of 927, entitled Creole Love Call became a runaway hit, selling widely through the world, and firmly establishing Ellington and his group as star musicians. (Wikipedia, 2013) Ultimately, Ellington became perhaps best known for expanding the concept of the small jazz band, playing only in tiny nightclubs, to a full big band experience, with his group becoming a full orchestra with him as the leader. The size and scope of the group gave Ellington much more latitude to experiment with new musical pathways and attempt things never tried before. (Wikipedia, 2013). His versatility was shown by the fact that he recorded for numerous recording labels, often at the same time, an unusual thing. He sometimes would create different versions of the same compositions for inclusion on records for the different companies. (Wikipedia, 2013). He obtained even broader popularity after appearing at the prestigious Newport Jazz Festival, where his orchestras performance was met by the audiences passionate acclaim, and went on long as the festival organizers had planned to shut things down. The result was worldwide frenzied publicity, including Duke Ellingtons appearance on the front cover of Time magazine, and Ellingtons best-selling recording of his entire career, Ellington at Newport.(Wikipedia, 2013). One area where he experienced a rare lack of success was his inability to breakthrough in the new medium of television, where jazz was somewhat ignored as a form of music. But both his live performances and his popular recordings continued throughout his life. His musical career spanned the Great Depression, the Second World War, the 1950s, the turbulent 1960s with the explosion of the civil rights movement and the conflict over the Vietnam war, and the Watergate Era of Richard Nixon. Throughout those changing times, Duke Ellingtons commitment to experiment with his music and burst through staid conventions of form and length remained the one constant thing, raising the standard high for other jazz musicians to try to emulate. Critics believe that there are few, if any, figures in the development of American jazz more important and more central than Duke Ellington. (Wikipedia, 2013). Ellingtons root strength was as a skilled jazz pianist, but he is often more remembered for his orchestral arrangements and composing of both jazz and other popular musical pieces. His group for the bulk of his career was known simply as the Duke Ellington Orchestra and it continues to tour the world today under the aegis of his son, who serves as the archivist for his fathers rich legacy. (Wikipedia, 2013). Duke Ellingtons contributions to American music were recognized by no fewer than twelve Grammy awards, starting with his first one in 1959 with three awards for music he composed and performed for Anatomy of a Murder, a major motion picture. He composed and performed music for a number of other motion pictures. Most of these awards, however, were for jazz performances and compositions, with three of the awards given after his death, including the last one in 1999 for the historical jazz album The Duke Ellington Centennial Edition, collecting the recordings he made for the RCA Victor company from 1927-1973. He received a special Grammy Lifetime Achievement award in 1966. (Biography, 2013). Nine of his recordings were also inducted into the Grammy Hall of Fame, starting with Black and Tan Fantasy in 1928 and concluding with Far East Suite in 1967. His 1932 jazz hit It Dont Mean a Thing (If It Aint Got That Swing) was also inducted, was highly popular worldwide, and is still widely played today. He was also given a Special Citation by the Pulitzer Prize Committee after his death, and received a U.S. Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1969. He was also inducted into the French Legion of Honor in 1973. (Wikipedia, 2013).

Biological Dysfunction as a Cause for Schizophrenia Essay -- Papers Bi

Biological Dysfunction as a Cause for Schizophrenia Schizophrenia is a mental disorder, which is characterised by a number of both positive and negative symptoms. Positive symptoms are behaviours which are present although should be absent. Examples of these are thought disorders resulting in difficulty in arranging thoughts logically, jumping from one topic of conversation to another and speaking random words. Other positive symptoms of schizophrenia include delusions whereby the effected person may feel that people are plotting against them and trying to kill them as well as hallucinations whereby the schizophrenic person hears voices in their head telling them to do things. Negative symptoms are also shown by people suffering from schizophrenia and are the absence of behaviours, which are normally present. Examples of these symptoms are a flattened emotional response, a poverty of speech and social withdrawal. It has been suggested that there are different causes for the different types of symptoms, for example excess activity in some neural circuits is said to be responsible for the positive symptoms whereas the negative symptoms are said to have developmental causes. There are many suggestions for the biological causes of schizophrenia, many with varying degrees of supporting evidence. However the five main suggestions are heritability, genes, the ‘Neurodevelopmental Hypothesis’ (including both prenatal and neonatal abnormalities and brain abnormalities), the dopamine hypothesis and the glutamine hypothesis. Firstly heritability shows how the disease can be inherited from the person’s parents. This is illustrated thr... ...vironment play a role in the cause of schizophrenia. References Weyandt, L. (2005) The Physiological Bases of Cognitive and Behavioural Disorders. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Ltd. The following references were obtained from Weyandt (2005) Weinberger Honer et al Rioux et al Murphy, Jones & Owen Watson, S. (1996) Biology of Schizophrenia and Affective Disease. American Psychiatric Press. The following references were obtained from Watson (1996) Kender Susser Kety et al Kalat, J. (2001) Biological Psychology. Wadsworth The following references were obtained from Kalat (2001) Dalman et al Heston Carlson, N. (2004) Physiology of Behaviour. Pearson Education Ltd. The following references were obtained from Carlson (2004) Kendell & Adams Shastry

Management Accounting :: essays research papers

Management Accounting II FCB Bakery Shop Executive Summary FCB Bakery is a specialty food retailer. FCB uses a system that is similar to RotiBoy Bakery to provide Mexican buns in a fast and time-efficient way. FCB provides its customers the ability to order and buy the bun without waiting in long queue. FCB is offering cheaper offers to the RotiBoy. FCB offers its patrons the finest Mexican buns, specializing in specialty coffees flavors. In addition, FCB will ensure the patrons grab their freshly made buns straight on the spot without delay. Seasonally, TDP will add other flavors such as chocolate, cheese and more flavors. FCB will focus on two markets: The Daily Commuter- someone traveling to/from work, out shopping, delivering goods or services, or just out for a drive. The Captive Consumer- someone who is in a restricted environment that does not allow convenient departure and return while searching for finger food, or where finger food are an integral part of the environment. FCB will penetrate the commuter and captive consumer markets by locating their premises in the most logical and accessible locations. The location are carefully selected in a two-sided traffic and selling the buns in less time than required for a visit to the locally confectionary shop. In addition to providing a quality product and an extensive delicious buns, to ensure customer awareness, as well as good publicity coverage and media support, we will be using word of mouths strategy based upon customer positive feedback. The FCB's financial picture is quite promising. Since FCB is operating a cash business, the initial cost is significantly less than many start-ups these days. The process is labor intensive and FCB recognizes that a higher level of talent is required. The financial investment in its employees will be one of the greatest differentiators between it and FCB's competition. For the purpose of this cash budgeting, the capital expenditures of facilities and equipment are financed. There will be minimum inventory on hand so as to keep the product fresh and to take advantage of price drops, when and if they should occur. The danger in having direct competitors would rise up and establish a foothold on a community before--or in the midst of--the arrival of FCB, causing a potential for a drain on revenues and a dramatic increase in advertising expenditures to maintain market share. Knowing these risks--and planning for them--gives FCB the edge needed to make this scenario work. The projected profits estimates a profit of $166,004 for the first year, $157,309 for second year and earnings of $147,754 on the third year. Management Accounting :: essays research papers Management Accounting II FCB Bakery Shop Executive Summary FCB Bakery is a specialty food retailer. FCB uses a system that is similar to RotiBoy Bakery to provide Mexican buns in a fast and time-efficient way. FCB provides its customers the ability to order and buy the bun without waiting in long queue. FCB is offering cheaper offers to the RotiBoy. FCB offers its patrons the finest Mexican buns, specializing in specialty coffees flavors. In addition, FCB will ensure the patrons grab their freshly made buns straight on the spot without delay. Seasonally, TDP will add other flavors such as chocolate, cheese and more flavors. FCB will focus on two markets: The Daily Commuter- someone traveling to/from work, out shopping, delivering goods or services, or just out for a drive. The Captive Consumer- someone who is in a restricted environment that does not allow convenient departure and return while searching for finger food, or where finger food are an integral part of the environment. FCB will penetrate the commuter and captive consumer markets by locating their premises in the most logical and accessible locations. The location are carefully selected in a two-sided traffic and selling the buns in less time than required for a visit to the locally confectionary shop. In addition to providing a quality product and an extensive delicious buns, to ensure customer awareness, as well as good publicity coverage and media support, we will be using word of mouths strategy based upon customer positive feedback. The FCB's financial picture is quite promising. Since FCB is operating a cash business, the initial cost is significantly less than many start-ups these days. The process is labor intensive and FCB recognizes that a higher level of talent is required. The financial investment in its employees will be one of the greatest differentiators between it and FCB's competition. For the purpose of this cash budgeting, the capital expenditures of facilities and equipment are financed. There will be minimum inventory on hand so as to keep the product fresh and to take advantage of price drops, when and if they should occur. The danger in having direct competitors would rise up and establish a foothold on a community before--or in the midst of--the arrival of FCB, causing a potential for a drain on revenues and a dramatic increase in advertising expenditures to maintain market share. Knowing these risks--and planning for them--gives FCB the edge needed to make this scenario work. The projected profits estimates a profit of $166,004 for the first year, $157,309 for second year and earnings of $147,754 on the third year.

Hollowness in Emily Dickinson’s Poetic Discourse Essay example -- Biog

Hollowness in Emily Dickinson’s Poetic Discourse Much has been said about Emily Dickinson’s mystifying poetry and private life, especially during the years 1860-63. Allegedly it was during these years that the poetess, at the most prolific phase of her career, withdrew from society, began to wear her â€Å"characteristic† white dress and suffered a series of psychotic episodes. Dickinson tended to â€Å"theatricalize† herself by speaking through a host of personae in her poems and by â€Å"fictionalizing† her inner life as a gothic romance (Gilbert 584). Believing that a poem is â€Å"the best words in the best order† (to quote S.T. Coleridge) and that all the poems stemming from a single consciousness bring to surface different aspects / manifestations of the same personal mythology, I will firstly disregard biographical details in my interpretation of Dickinson’s poems 378, 341 and 280 and secondly place them in a sort of â€Å"continuum† (starting with 378 and ending with 280 ) to show how they attempt to describe a â€Å"plunge† into the Unconscious and a lapse into madness (I refrain from using the term â€Å"journey,† for it implies a â€Å"telos,† a goal which, whether unattainable or not, is something non-existent in the poems in question). Faced with the problem of articulating and concretizing inner psychological states, Dickinson created a totally new poetic discourse which lacks a transcendental signified and thus can dramatize the three stages of a (narrated) mental collapse: existential despair, withdrawal from the world of the senses and â€Å"death† of consciousness. In poem 378 the reader is introduced to the mental world of a speaker whose relentless questioning of metaphysical â€Å"truths† has led her to a state of complete â€Å"faithlessness†: l... ...son’s Poetry: Stairway of Surprise. New York: Holt, 1960. Eberwein, Jane Donahue. Dickinson: Strategies of Limitation. Amherst: U of Massachusetts P, 1985. Feit Diehl, Joanne. â€Å"’Ransom in a Voice’: Language as Defense in Dickinson’s Poetry.† Feminist Critics Read Emily Dickinson. Ed. Suzanne Juhasz. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1983. 156-75. Gilbert, Sandra M., and Susan Gubar. The Madwoman in the Attic: The Woman Writer and the 19th Century Literary Imagination. New Haven: Yale UP, 1979. Homans, Margaret. â€Å"’Oh, Vision of Language’: Dickinson’s Poems of Love and Death.† Feminist Critics Read Emily Dickinson. Ed. Suzanne Juhasz. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1983. 114-33. Miller, Cristanne. â€Å"How ‘Low Feet’ Stagger: Disruptions of Language in Dickinson’s Poetry.† Feminist Critics Read Emily Dickinson. Ed. Suzanne Juhasz. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1983. 134-55.

Gun Control Essay

â€Å"Should Private Gun Ownership Be Banned?† Widespread gun ownership in a community could provide a general deterrent to criminal predation, lowering the risk to owners and non-owners alike. But widespread gun ownership could also lead to increased risks of various sorts, including the possibility that guns will be misused by the owners or transferred to dangerous people through theft or unregulated sale. Whether the social costs of gun ownership are positive or negative is arguably the most fundamental question for the regulation of firearms in the United States. Gun control laws and policy vary greatly around the world. Some countries, such as the United Kingdom, have very strict limits on gun possession while others, such as the United States, have relatively modest limits. In some countries, the topic remains a source of intense debate with proponents generally arguing the dangers of widespread gun ownership, and opponents generally arguing individual rights of self-protection as well as individual liberties in general. So me in the United States view gun ownership as a civil right (Snyder i-ii), where the Second Amendment to the United States Constitution guarantees the right of citizens to keep and bear arms. One of the earliest U.S. gun-control legislation at the state level were the black codes (laws that replaced the pre Civil War era slave codes which, among other things, prohibited black ownership of firearms) in an attempt to prevent blacks’ having access to the full rights of citizens, including rights guaranteed under the Second Amendment (Halbrook 108). Laws of this type later used racially neutral language to survive legal challenge, but were expected to be enforced against blacks rather than whites. Following the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting in December 2012, where 20 young children were killed, Wayne LaPierre, vice-president of the National Rifle Association (NRA) proposed, at an NRA press conference, that the solution to such tragedies is to place armed officers in schools, saying: â€Å"The only way to stop a bad guy with a gun is a good guy with a gun† (Washington post). LaPierre blamed the media, politicians in favor of gun-free zones, U.S. mental health services, and violent movies and video games for the shooting. He introduced an NRA-backed proposal to put armed guards in all schools in the U.S., which he called the National Model School Shield Program. In January 2013, the Newtown school board voted unanimously to ask for police officer presence in all of its elementary schools. A 2004 review by the National Research Council concluded that, â€Å"higher rates of household firearms ownership are associated with higher rates of gun suicide, that illegal diversions from legitimate commerce are important sources of crime guns and guns used in suicide, that firearms are used defensively many times per day, and that some types of targeted police interventions may effectively lower gun crime and violence† (Welford). Another review conducted in 2011 by the Firearm Injury Center at Penn determined that, â€Å"the correlation be tween firearm availability and rates of homicide is consistent across high income industrialized nations: in general, where there are more firearms, there are higher rates of homicide overall†. A 2004 review of the literature conducted by researchers at the Harvard Injury Control Research Center similarly found that, â€Å"a broad array of evidence indicates that gun availability is a risk factor for homicide, both in the United States and across high-income countries† (Homicide – Firearms Research). Reviews by the HICRC also assessed variation in gun ownership and violence in the United States and found that the same pattern held: states with higher gun ownership had higher rates of homicide, both gun-related and overall. A review published in 2011 found that the health risks of a gun in the home are greater than the benefits, based on evidence that the presence of guns increases the risk of completed suicides and evidence that guns increase the intimidation and murder rate of women (Hemenway 502). The researchers found no credible evidence that guns in the home reduce the severity of injury in a break-in or confrontation or act as a deterrent of assault. A p revious study (2003) had similarly found that the presence of a gun in the home significantly increased the risk of suicide and adult homicide (Wiebe 12). A number of studies have examined the correlation between rates of gun ownership and gun-related, as well as overall, homicide and suicide rates internationally. Martin Killias, in a 1993 study covering 21 countries, found that there were significant  correlations between gun ownership and gun-related suicide and homicide rates. Gun control has a serious public health, political and economic concerns that need to be addressed respectively. HEALTH/SAFETY Every year, more than two thousand people die in the United States from gun-related injuries. The population groups most affected by these avoidable deaths are children and young adolescents. The misuse of firearms is a problem worldwide, of course. However, the incidence of firearm use does vary from country to country. According to the United Nations Report on Firearm Regulation, Crime Prevention, and Criminal Justice (1997), the United States has â€Å"weaker firearm regulations and higher numbers of deaths involving firearms than all other industrialized and even most developing nations.† The study also noted that the total firearm death rate in the United States in 1995 was 13.7 per 100,000 people, â€Å"three times the average rate among other responding countries and the third highest, after Brazil and Jamaica†. More than half the homes in the United States possess firearms, so it is hardly surprising that they rank among the â€Å"ten leading causes of death ac counting for more than 30,000 deaths annually† (Wintermute 3107). While most people have guns primarily for sporting activities, many owners also have them for personal protection and security purposes. The public health approach to violence prevention attempts not only to reduce the occurrence of violence, but also to limit the numbers of fatal and nonfatal injuries when such events occur. To prevent gun-related violence, indeed any type of violence, it is important to understand the dynamics of violence as well as the role of different kinds of weapons in both fatal and nonfatal injuries. Research from around the world indicates that socio-structural factor such as high unemployment rates, ethnic and religious hostilities, political instability, financial inequalities, lack of resources, and economic deprivation increase the likelihood of violence. When guns are readily available in such settings, or where legislation to curb their illegitimate use is lax or inappropriate, injuries are more likely to occur, intentional or otherwise. Individual factors can also precipitate violence, including the use of firearms. Substance and alcohol abuse, mental disorders, feelings of personal i nadequacy and social isolation, and an individual’s experience with violence in the home are  among some of the factors that have been associated with violence. The more guns there are in circulation, the greater the likelihood that they will be misused. Hence, from a public health perspective, it is important to devise strategies which aim to ensure that those in possession of arms use them for legitimate purposes and not for violent or criminal acts. There are a variety of ways of dealing with the problems caused by guns in society, and legislation is one of the methods most commonly used. Franklin Zimring has noted that laws that regulate gun use fall into three categories: those that limit the place and the manner of firearm use, those that keep guns out of the hands of high-risk users, and those that ban high risk firearms. Place and manner legislation sets out to do as it suggests, to limit certain uses of firearms in certain locations. Examples include banning the use of firearms in public places and prohibiting the carrying of a firearm (except for those carried by security personnel and police). This legislation is difficult to impl ement, however, without the active support of the police force, and that support requires additional funding to make sure that police monitor potentially violent events. Successful place and manner legislation has been implemented in the country of Columbia, where firearms are involved in 80 percent of homicides. Here, an innovative gun control intervention was implemented by the Program for Development, Security, and Peace (DESEPAZ), in collaboration with the Mayor of Cali, Colombia’s third largest city. A police-enforced ban was introduced in Cali that prohibited carrying firearms on weekends, public paydays, public holidays, and election days because â€Å"such periods were historically associated with higher rates of homicide† (Villaveces 1206). Media-led information campaigns informed the public of the new gun control measure. On the days when the ban was in operation, police set up strategically located checkpoints in areas of the city where criminal activities were commonplace, and they conducted random searches of individuals. â€Å"During the ban, police policy directed that if a legally acquired firearm was found on an individual, the weapon was to be temporarily taken from the individual and the individual fined. Individuals without proof of legally acquiring the firearm were to be arrested and the firearm permanently confiscated† (Villaveces1206). Denying high-risk users access to firearms is the second type of legislative tool to control gun misuse. In order for this approach to work, the law has to define clearly who falls into the category of â€Å"high-risk user.† The term is usually applied to convicted criminals, those deemed â€Å"mentally unfit,† and to drug addicts. It also applies to minors. Such legislation attempts to make it difficult for members of these groups to possess a firearm. Every year, in developed and developing countries across the globe, thousands of children and young adolescents die while playing with loaded guns. Additionally, studies have shown that adolescents are vulnerable in terms of firearm misuse and successful suicide attempts. In the United States between 1965 and 1985 â€Å"the rate of suicide involving firearms increased 36 percent, whereas the rate of suicide involving other methods remained constant. â€Å"Among adolescents and young adults, rates of suicide by firearms doubled during the same period† (Kellermann 467). Restricting minors the access to have weapons can help to reduce these events. Many states now attempt to prevent high-risk groups from obtaining firearms by identifying â€Å"ineligible† individuals before they can acquire a gun. Minors would obviously fall into this category. â€Å"The screening system included in U.S. legislation known as the Brady Bill which permits police to determine whether a pros pective gun purchaser has a criminal record. If the check turns up nothing the purchaser can obtain the gun† (Zimring 53). The third legislative strategy used to combat the misuse of firearms is to introduce legislation regulating the use of very dangerous weapons. Such â€Å"laws limit the supply of high risk weapons† and â€Å"can complement the strategy of decreasing high risk uses and users† (Zimring 53). Such supply reduction laws â€Å"strive to make the most dangerous guns so scarce that potential criminals cannot obtain them easily† (Zimring 52). They also set out rigid requirements that must be met to prove that possession of such a weapon is necessary. Sawed-off shotguns, machine guns, and certain military devices are the kinds of weapons covered by this type of legislation. Research into this area in the United States has shown that states in which such strict laws operate have lower levels of violent crime than states that do not. Another means of legislating for firearm misuse is to introduce stiff penalties for criminals caught using firearms. â€Å"More than half of t he states in the USA have passed such laws. This approach is popular with gun owners because the penalties concern only gun related crime and place no restrictions on firearm ownership† (Zimring 52). ECONOMICS After the school massacre in Newtown, everyone has been putting out proposals for how to reduce gun violence. President Obama created an inter-agency task force. The NRA asked for armed guards in every school and now economists are weighing in with their own, number-heavy approaches (Washington post). In the United States, there are an average of 32,300 deaths (the majority of which are suicide) and approximately 69,000 injuries annually most common in poor urban areas and frequently associated with gang violence, often involving male juveniles or young adult males, with an estimated annual cost of $100 billion(Bjerregaard and Alan 37). American society remains deeply divided over whether more restrictive gun control policies would save lives and prevent injuries. Scholars agree the rate of gun violence in the United States is higher than many developed OECD countries that practice strict gun control. The United States’ low life expectancy (relative to other wealthy countries) may be attributable to guns, with a reduction in average American lifespan of 104 days (Lemaire, 359). Disagreement exists among academics on the question of whether a causal relationship between gun availability and violence exists, and which, if any, gun controls would effectively lower gun related violence. Cook and Ludwig created a data set that used the number of suicides by firearm in a county as a proxy for gun ownership and checked it against a variety of existing survey data. They figured out the â€Å"social cost† of owning a gun. The two economists determined that a greater prevalence of guns in an area was associated with an increase in the murder rate, but not other types of violent crimes (guns, the authors argue, lead to â€Å"an intensification of criminal violence†). Why does this happen? One possibility: The two economists found evidence that if there are more legal guns in an area, it’s more likely that those guns will be transferred to â€Å"illegal† owners. When the two economists added up the costs of gun ownership, more injuries and m ore homicides and weighed them against various benefits, they concluded that the average household acquiring a gun imposed a net cost on the rest of society of somewhere between $100 to $1,800 per year (379-382). Now, normally when economists come across a product that has a negative externality like cigarettes or coal-fired plants, they recommend taxing or regulating it, so that the user of the product internalizes the costs that he or she is imposing on everyone else. In this case, an economist might suggest slapping a steeper tax on guns or bullets. Others  might object that this isn’t fair. There are responsible gun owners and irresponsible gun owners. Not everyone with a gun imposes the same costs on society. Why should the tax be uniform? And that brings us to John Wasik’s recent essay at Forbes. Instead of a tax on guns, he recommends that gun owners be required to purchase liability insurance (Washington post). Different gun owners would pay different rates, depending on the risks involved. Who pays the least for gun insurance would be least likely to commit a crime with it. Economist John Lott, in his book More Guns, Less Crime, provides data showing that laws allowing law-abiding citizens to carry a gun legally in public may cause reductions in crime because potential criminals do not know who may be carrying a firearm. The data for Lott’s analysis came from the FBI’s crime statistics for all 3,054 US counties (Lott 50). University of Chicago economist Steven Levitt argues in his paper, Under standing Why Crime Fell in the 1990s: Four Factors that Explain the Decline and Six that Do Not, that available data indicate that neither stricter gun control laws nor more liberal concealed carry laws have had any significant effect on the decline in crime in the 1990s. A comprehensive review of published studies of gun control, released in November 2004 by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, was unable to determine any statistically significant effect resulting from such laws, although the authors suggest that further study may provide more conclusive information. Fully automatic firearms are legal in most states, but have requirements for registration and restriction under federal law. The National Firearms Act of 1934 required approval of the local police chief, federally registered fingerprints, federal background check and the payment of a $200 tax for initial registration and for each transfer. The Gun Control Act of 1968 prohibited imports of all nonsporting firearms and created several new categories of restricted firearms. A provision of the Firearm Owners Protection Act of 1986 prohibited further registry of machine guns manufactured after it took effect. The result has been a massive rise in the price of machine-guns available for private ownership, as an increased demand chases the fixed, pre-1986 supply. For example, the Heckler & Koch MP5 submachine-gun, which may be sold to law enforcement for about $1,000, costs a private citizen about $5,000 (Stewart). POLITICS Gun politics addresses safety issues and ideologies related to firearms through criminal and noncriminal use. Gun politics deals with rules, regulations, and restrictions on the use, ownership, as well as distribution of firearms. Gun control laws and policy vary greatly around the world. Some countries, such as Australia, the United Kingdom or Germany, have very strict limits on gun possession while others, such as the United States, have relatively lenient limits. Most nations hold the power to protect them, others, and police their own territory as a fundamental power vested by sovereignty. However, this power can be lost under certain circumstances: some countries have been forced to disarm by other countries, upon losing a war, or by having arms embargos or sanctions placed on them. Likewise, nations that violate international arms control agreements, even if claiming to be acting within the scope of their national sovereignty, may find themselves with a range of penalties or sa nctions regarding firearms placed on them by other nations. National and regional police and security services enforce their own gun regulations. For example, the U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) supports the United States’ International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR) program â€Å"to aggressively enforce this mission and reduce the number of weapons that are illegally trafficked worldwide from the United States and used to commit acts of international terrorism, to subvert restrictions imposed by other nations on their residents, and to organized crime and narcotics-related activities. The issue of firearms has, at times, taken a high-profile position in United States culture and politics. Mass shootings (like the Columbine High School massacre, Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting and Virginia Tech massacre) have continually ignited political debates about gun control in the United States. According to a 2012 CNN/Opinion Research Corporation poll, 10% of Americans support banning all guns except for police and authorized personnel, 76% support gun ownership with some restrictions, and 10% support gun ownership with no restrictions. Michael Bouchard, Assistant Director/Field Operations of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, estimates, there are 5,000 gun shows annually in the United States. In 1959, the Gallup poll showed that 59% of Americans supported banning handgun possession. In 2011, the Gallup poll showed that 26% supported banning handgun possession. In 1990, the Gallup poll showed that  78% of Americans supported stricter laws on gu n sales than existed at the time, 17% felt the laws were fine as they were, and 2% supported less strict laws. In 2011, the Gallup poll showed that 43% supported stricter laws on gun sales, 44% felt the laws were fine as they were, and 11% supported less strict laws. In 2001, the Gallup poll showed that 51% of Americans preferred that current gun laws be enforced more strictly. In 2011, it was 60% (Gallup politics). A 2009 CNN/ORC poll found 39% favored stricter gun laws, 15% favored less strict gun laws, and 46% preferred no change. CNN reported that the drop in support (since the 2001 Gallup poll) came from self-identified independents and Republicans, with support among Democrats remaining consistent. There is a sharp divide between gun-rights proponents and gun-control proponents. This leads to intense political debate over the effectiveness of firearm regulation. Democrats are more likely to support stricter gun control than are Republicans. In an online 2010 Harris Poll, of Democrats, 70% favored stricter gun control, 7% favored less strict gun control, and 14% preferred neither. Of Republicans, 22% favored stricter control, 42% favored less strict control, and 27% preferred neither (Krane 1-2). In the same 2011 Gallup poll, 55% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents had a gun in their household compared to 40% of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents. Of Republicans an d Republican-leaners, 41% personally owned a gun. Of Democrats and Democratic-leaners, 28% personally owned a gun (Gallup politics). Incidents of gun violence and self-defense have routinely ignited bitter debate. 12,632 murders were committed using firearms and 613 persons were killed unintentionally in 2007 (CDC 89). Surveys have suggested that guns are used in crime deterrence or prevention around 2.5 million times a year in the United States (LaPierre 23). In 2004, the NAACP filed suit against 45 gun manufacturers for creating what it called a â€Å"public nuisance† through the â€Å"negligent marketing† of handguns, which included models commonly described as Saturday night specials. The suit alleged that handgun manufacturers and distributors were guilty of marketing guns in a way that encouraged violence in black and Hispanic neighborhoods. The NAACP lawsuit and several similar suits, some brought by municipalities seeking reimbursement for medical cost associated with  criminal shootings were dismissed in 2003. Gun-rights groups, most notably the National Rifle Association, portrayed it as â€Å"nuisance suits,† aimed at driving gun manufacturers (especially smaller firms) out of business through court costs alone, as damage awards were not expected. These suits prompted the passage of the Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act (PLCAA) in October 2005. On January 22, 2013, Congressman Adam Schiff introduce d a bill in U.S. House of Representatives to counter the PLCAA, the The Equal Access to Justice for Victims of Gun Violence Act. CONCLUSION Since the days of the pioneers, guns have been around as part of the tradition in countries such as the United States of America (USA), Switzerland and Canada. In recent years, issues concerning the ownership and possession of private guns have become a hotly debated topic in these societies because of the rapid growth of gun crimes. However, guns are still valuable for self-defence. Allowance of private gun ownership can decrease crime rates and a gun abolition policy will produce unwanted outcomes to society. One of the arguments against banning private gun ownership is that allowing private use of guns is effective for self-protection. If a person carries a weapon, it can be used as self-defence against criminals. It is believed that citizens who are unarmed have higher chances to be targeted and assaulted by criminals as most lawbreakers would want to reduce their risks when committing crimes. The supporters of total gun confiscation argue that police who are allowed to carry fir earms will be able to stop the crimes. Americans are finally beginning to have a serious discussion about guns. One argument we’re hearing is the central pillar of the case for private gun ownership: that we are all safer when more individuals have guns because armed citizens deter crime and can defend themselves and others against it when deterrence fails. Those who don’t have guns, it’s said, are free riders on those who do, as the criminally disposed are less likely to engage in crime the more likely it is that their victim will be armed. When most citizens are armed, as they were in the Wild West, crime doesn’t cease. The criminals get better. There’s some sense to this argument, for even criminals don’t like being shot. But the logic is faulty, and a close look at it leads to the conclusion that the United States should ban private gun  ownership entirely, or almost entirely. One would think that if widespread gun ownership had the robust deterrent effects that gun advocates claim it has, our country would be free of crime than other developed societies. But it’s not. When most citizens are armed, as they were in the Wild West, crime doesn’t cease. Instead, criminals work to be better armed, more efficient in their use of guns (â€Å"quicker on the draw†), and readier to use them. When this happens, those who get guns may be safer than they would be without them, but those without them become progressively more vulnerable. Gun advocates have a solution to this: the unarmed must arm themselves. But when more citizens get guns, further problems arise: people who would once have got in a fistfight instead shoot the person who provoked them; people are shot by mistake or by accident. And with guns so plentiful, any lunatic or criminally disposed person who has a sudden and perhaps only temporary urge to kill people can simply help himself to the contents of Mom’s gun cabinet. Perhaps most important, the more people there are who have guns, the less effective the police become. As more private individuals acquire guns, the power of the police declines and personal security becomes a matter of self-help. For the police to remain effective in a society in which most of those they must confront or arrest are armed, they must, like criminals, become better armed, more numerous, and readier to fire. But if they do that, guns won’t have produced a net reduction in the power of the government but will only have generated enormous private and public expenditures, leaving the balance of power between armed citizens and the state as it was before, the unarmed conspicuously worse off, and everyone poorer except the gun industry. The logic is as more private individuals acquire guns, the power of the police declines, personal security becomes more a matter of self-help, and the unarmed have an increasing incentive to get guns, until everyone is armed. The logic of private gun possession is thus similar to that of the nuclear arms race. When only one state gets nuclear weapons, it enhances its own security but reduces that of others, which have become more vulnerable. The other states the n have an incentive to get nuclear weapons to try to restore their security. As more states get them, the incentives for others increase. If eventually all get them, the potential for catastrophe whether through irrationality, misperception, or accident is great. Each state’s security is then much lower than it would  be if none had nuclear weapons. But, as with nuclear weapons, we would all be safer if no one had guns or, rather, no one other than trained and legally constrained police officers. Gun advocates sometimes argue that a prohibition would violate individuals’ rights of self-defense. Imposing a ban on guns, they argue, would be tantamount to taking a person’s gun from her just as someone is about to kill her. But this is a defective analogy. Although a prohibition would deprive people of one effective means of self-defense, it would also ensure that there would be far fewer occasions on which a gun would be necessary or even useful for self-defense. Guns are only one means of self-defense and self-defense is only one means of achieving security against attack. It is the right to security against attack that is fundamental. In other Western countries, per capita homicide rates, as well as rates of violent crime involving guns, are a fraction of what they are in the United States (New York Times). Gun advocates claim it has nothing to do with our permissive gun laws or our customs and practices involving guns. If they are right, should we conclude that Americans are simply inherently more violent, more disposed to mental derangement, and less moral than people in other Western countries? If you resist that conclusion, you have little choice but to accept that our easy access to all manner of firearms is a large part of the explanation of why we kill each at a much higher rate than our counterparts elsewhere. REFERENCES Mcmahan J. The Stone: Why Gun ‘Control’ Is Not Enough. The New York Times December 19, 2012, 1:03 pm. http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/12/19/why-gun-control-is-not-enough/. 5th April 2013. Kellermann A. L., Rivara F. P., Somes G., Reay D. T. â€Å"Suicide in the Home in Relation to Gun Ownership.† New England Journal of Medicine 327.7 (1992): 467-72. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/1308093. 10th April, 2013. Villaveces A., Cummings P., Espitia V. E., Koepsell T. D. â€Å"Effect of a Ban on Carrying Firearms on Homicide Rates in 2 Colombian Cities.† Journal of the American Medical Association 283.9 (2000):1205-9. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/10703790. 10th April, 2013. Wintermute, G. J., Teret S. P., Kraus J. F., Wright M. A., and Bradfield, G. (1987). â€Å"When Children Shoot Children.† Journal of American Medical Association 257.22 (1987): 208-209. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1025799/. 7th April, 2013. Zimring, F. E. â€Å"Firearms, Violence and Public Policy.† Scientific American (November 1991). Brad Plumer. â€Å"The economics of gun control†. The Washington Post December 28, 2012 at 3:42 pm. http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2012/12/28/the-economics-of-gun-control/. 7th April, 2013. Snyder J. â€Å"Nation of Cowards: Essays on the Ethics of Gun Control†. Saint Louis: Accurate Press, 2001. i-ii. Print. Halbrook S.P. That Every Man be Armed: The evolution of a Constitutional Right. 2nd ed., The Independent Institute, Oakland, 1994. 108. Print. Welford, C.F. Firearms and Violence: A Critical Review. Washington D.C.: National Academies Press, 2004. Print. Hemenway, David (2011). â€Å"Risks and Benefits of a Gun in the Home†. American Journal of Lifestyle Medicine 5.6(2011): 502–511. http://www.medscape.com/viewarticle/753058_2. 10th April, 2013. Wiebe, Douglas (2003). â€Å"Homicide and suicide risks associated with firearms in the home: A national case-control study†. Ann Emerg Med 41.6(2003): 12. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/12764330. 10th April, 2013. Martin Killias. â€Å"Gun Ownership, Suicide and Homicide: An International Perspective† 1993. http://www.unicri.eu/documentation_centre/publications/series/understanding/19_GUN_OWNERSHIP.pdf . 10th April, 2013. Bjerregaard, B. and Alan J. L. (1995). â€Å"Gun Ownership and Gang Membership†. Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 86.1(1995): 37–58. http://www.saf.org/LawReviews/BjerregaardAndLizotte.htm. 10th April, 2013. National Center for Injury Prevention and Control. â€Å"Nonfatal Injury Reports â €Å". Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System, December 7th 2012(WISQARS). CDC. www.cdc.gov/ncipc/wisqars. 10th April, 2013. Cook J. P. and Ludwig J. The social costs of gun ownership. Journal of Public Economics 90 (2006): 379–391. www.elsevier.com/locate/econbase. Lott, John R.Jr., â€Å"More Guns, Less Crime: Understanding Crime and Gun Control Laws†. Chicago Illinois: The University of Chicago Press, 1998. 50-122.

Corruption Free Pakistan Dream Or a Reality

Corruption simply means dishonest or fraudulent conduct by those who are in power. As Lord Acton said: â€Å"Power tends to corrupt; absolute power corrupts absolutely. † Corruption is the absence of honesty and virtue. Corruption is the evil which leads to the economic, social and moral problems in a country. The society void of law and order is a corrupt society. It is as old as man. It is a world-wide phenomenon. It is probably found in all the countries of the world. Corruption creates a deplorable situation in the country. Karl Kraus truly said:â€Å"Corruption is worse than prostitution, the latter might endanger the morals of an individual; the former invariably endangers the morals of the entire country. † When we come to know about corruption level in Pakistan, then we are forced to say that Pakistan is in a terrible situation these days because there is too much corruption in Pakistan. Every department is corrupt and not performing their duty honestly. The fun ds and money that should be spend to provide facilities to the people of Pakistan, they are gone in corruption. The development projects are incomplete due to corruption.We are lagging behind other nations of the world due to corruption in our country. Corruption is caused either by power or by absolute power. Frank Herbert clarifies it in this way: â€Å"Power attracts the corruptible. Absolute power attracts the absolutely corruptible†. There are various forms of corruption in Pakistan. It is found in the form of cheating, fraud, swindling, nepotism, jobbery and misappropriation of funds, bribery and acceptance of gratification. The corrupt people do not abide by the laws. They ignore morality and good manners. They cause many evils in the society.It is a flea that sucks the blood of the people of Pakistan. It defames and degrades the nation in the eyes of other nations of the world. When a sensible citizen of Pakistan ponders upon present condition of corruption in the cou ntry, he is curious to know about its root causes and its remedies. Corruption has been a menace for our country since the birth of this nation. There are many causes of the prevalence of corruption. Firstly, the wish to grow rich overnight is its root cause. Such people ignore moral values and try to feather their nest. Mostly the politicians are involved in this case.They always look to the rich and do not bother to look to the poor. Henry Kissinger explains it with authentic arguments: â€Å"Corrupt politicians make the other ten percent look bad. † The modern civilization has urged man to adopt a high standard of living. People want to live in bungalows and board costly cars. In order to lead a luxurious life, they use many fair or foul means to grab wealth. In this way, they cause corruption. Secondly, the prices of the commodities of life are rising daily. The government has no control over anything in society.In order to meet their needs, people resort to corruption an d cause different crimes in society. Thirdly, a few privileged hands in our country are very strong. No government has the power to enforce any policy after its own will rather it has to become a puppet in the hands of the industrialists and capitalists. All the people in government have fear in their minds due to these people. John Steinbeck correctly explains this fear in this way: â€Å"Power does not corrupt. Fear corrupts†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦perhaps the fear of a loss of power. † These people raise the prices of their production as and when they like.If a government tries to teach them a lesson, it has to lick the dust. Fourthly, fixed income people also cause corruption. The prices of commodities of life rise daily but their salaries are not raised with that ratio. As a result, they begin to accept bribery in order to keep up their standard of living or to fulfill their needs. Fifthly, widespread unemployment in society also causes corruption. When the government imposes ban o n new recruitment, the educated young men are forced to satiate their hunger in any way. As a result, they cause corruption. They become emotional in this situation.Friedrich Nietzsche says about these youngsters: â€Å"The surest way to corrupt a youth is to instruct him to hold in higher esteem those who think alike than those who think differently. † Moreover, corrupt people thrive in society without any fear of punishment. They are very influential and are never brought to book. Seeing them, others are also encouraged. Sixthly, many evil customs and traditions prevail in our society. People spend lavishly on marriages and funerals only to avoid the taunts of the others. When they grow poor, they use unfair means to raise funds for their daily bread.Seventhly, modern age of fashion is also a great cause of prevalence of corruption. Now women spend more money on their upkeep than the past. They are not content with local made items of cosmetics. They always prefer to purcha se the imported costly items for beautification. For this purpose, they themselves accept bribery and also compel their husbands to do so. In this way, they cause corruption. Eighthly, many new leaders when come into power declare their determination to eradicate corruption but soon they themselves become corrupt and start amassing huge wealth.George Bernard Shaw presents his views about these people: â€Å"Power does not corrupt men; fools, however, if they get into a position of power, corrupt power. † Many people become materialistic and money oriented. There is no importance of ethics and morals in business dealings. Many people think that money coming to their pocket is good. Same way, many thinking that money going out from their pocket is bad. But they don’t consider the way money is travelling. But money speaks the truth. As said by Robert A Heinlein: â€Å"Money is truthful. If a man speaks of his honor, make him pay cash.†The most important cause of co rruption is ignorance. People have no sense to elect honest and educated representatives. As a result, these corrupt people begin to feather their nests instead of working for the welfare of the nation. Therefore, corruption prevails in society. The question that arises in the mind of every citizen of Pakistan is that when and how our Pakistan will become free from this monster which has its hold on the whole society? When the antidote for this cruel virus will be prepared? What is the surest way to get rid of corruption?Is it possible to contain corruption in our society? Corruption is a cancer which every Pakistani must strive to cure. Eradiation of corruption is, no doubt, a difficult task but not impossible. The following steps can uproot corruption from the society. Firstly, the government should try to spread education as early as possible. Secondly, it should launch an anti-corruption propaganda in the mass media. Thirdly, it should improve the economic condition of the count ry. Fourthly, corrupt people should be given exemplary punishments. Fifthly, the discretionary powers of the officers should be minimized.Sixthly, the anti-corruption department should be made more effective. Seventhly, equal distribution of wealth and leisure should be made effective. Eighthly, drive for simple living should be launched. Kurt Vonnegut presents his opposite views that corruption cannot stop or change the music and beauty of life: â€Å"No matter how corrupt, greedy, and heartless our government, our corporations, our media, and our religious & charitable institutions may become, the music will still be wonderful. † But majority has authority; we can neglect his views outright.Above conclusions enlighten and pave the way to understand and solve the major problem of corruption in our country. So, if we want to change this dream into reality, we should follow the good part of our heart. If we will start to believe in oneness of Allah, we will be able to play our role in its eradication. Then our dream of corruption free Pakistan will become a universal reality. Eduard Shevardnadze said that: â€Å"Corruption has its own motivations, and one has to thoroughly study that phenomenon and eliminate the foundations that allow corruption to exist. † God Bless Pakistan!